T&T Minister Ameen Backs State Of Emergency

March 4, 2026 TTT News

Minister of Rural Development and Local Government Khadijah Ameen supports Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar’s decision to declare a State of Emergency, as a firm and necessary response to the continued threat posed by organised criminal activity.

Minister Ameen pointed to a significant reduction in violent crime as evidence that the administration’s national security strategy is yielding results. Murders fell from 626 in 2024 to 369 in 2025 — a 42 percent decline and the lowest level recorded in a decade. The Minister attributed the decline not to chance but to “rigorous and sustained work” by police officers, soldiers and intelligence units, backed by firm national security policies and the political will to confront criminal networks.

Ameen levelled criticism at the last government, stating that years of hesitation and weak responses had allowed criminal networks to strengthen and communities to suffer. The country is still grappling with the consequences of a period of inaction. While acknowledging that crime remains a serious national challenge, She expressed confidence that stronger enforcement and clearer policy direction are already producing gradual improvements. She urged citizens to cooperate with law enforcement as the Government presses forward with its community safety agenda.

“Every life saved, matters. If decisive action prevents even one family from losing a loved one to violence then those actions are justified.”

 

 

 

 

Jamaica

United Oil & Gas ‘On the Rocks’ podcast Offshore survey and coring

19 February 2026

United Oil & Gas announced the release of the second episode of its internal On the Rocks technical podcast, providing further insight into the Company’s ongoing Surface Geochemical Exploration (‘SGE’) programme offshore. This episode follows the recent completion of the Stage 1 multibeam echosounder (‘MBES’) survey and the commencement of heat-flow measurements and piston coring on the Walton-Morant Licence.

The episode features Business Technical Manager Paul Ryan and Head of Business Development Donal Meehan who discuss how the newly acquired seabed data are being integrated with existing seismic and geological datasets to refine and prioritise piston coring locations.

Topics discussed include:

1. Completion of the MBES survey and acquisition of high-resolution seabed data
2. Identification of seabed features which may indicate hydrocarbon migration
3. Integration of MBES and seismic data to refine piston coring targets
4. How piston coring is used to physically test for hydrocarbons in seabed sediments
5. The process of sample recovery and laboratory geochemical analysis

The discussion explains how the SGE programme is designed to physically test key elements of a working petroleum system offshore Jamaica. The results will form an important input into ongoing technical evaluation and commercial discussions relating to the Walton-Morant Licence.

The episode is available to view here: https://youtu.be/dMAtCalsI-o

Further On the Rocks episodes may be released at key technical and operational milestones and will be made available via the Company’s YouTube channel.

Source: United Oil & Gas

 

 

 

 

Suriname and Guyana team to explore joint projects for gas exploration

February 18, 2026

Suriname and Guyana will ‘create‘ a technical team to investigate the development of natural gas production between the two Caricom neighbours. The team could be set up next month and would represent a significant step forward for Suriname, Guyana and other countries that have been discussing the possibility of collaborating across borders on natural gas exploration.

The first gas project for both countries would be any future project. Suriname oil minister Patrick Brunings said that experts involved in the project would need to ‘consider a litany of factors’, including the total amount of natural gas, infrastructure requirements in both countries and how the gas is used.

He said that combining the gas resources of different countries could make them more attractive to investors. Suriname and Guyana both have volumes that are not yet interesting. Brunings stated that combining the volumes could make them more appealing. Initially, oil companies won’t be part of the joint technical team. However, they may join in the future.

“We want to first come together to look at the opportunities country-to-country.”

Suriname should discuss with TotalEnergies and APA the idea of developing a gas project with Guyana. Suriname is a key partner in oil projects with the three energy companies. Brunings stated that Exxon Mobil, the operator of the oil consortium currently producing all of Guyana’s output, will also have to join in.

Exxon Upstream president Dan Ammann stated that the company has not discussed collaborating with Suriname on gas. Brunings acknowledged that companies will likely focus on developing oil first because it’s more profitable. Natural gas projects must also make financial sense. Brunings stated that the technical team would work towards signing a memorandum or understanding to explore joint projects.

Kemol and Sheila Dang from Georgetown, Guyana. Editing by Nathan Crooks & Lincoln Feast : Reuters

 

 

 

 

Moonilal touts regional platform for energy collaboration

2026, 02/19

T&T Energy Minister Roodal Moonilal signalled a reset in his country’s approach to regional energy diplomacy, admitting that previous administrations failed to synchronise T&T’s hydrocarbons strategy with developments in Guyana and Suriname.

On the second day of the Guyana Energy Conference and Supply Chain Expo in Georgetown, Moonilal positioned Port-of-Spain as an industrial partner ready to support emerging producers, while conceding that opportunities for closer alignment had not been fully pursued in recent years.

Addressing delegates, Moonilal said the current administration, led by Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar, has given a clear policy directive since taking office in April 2025 to deepen engagement with Caricom neighbours on energy integration and long-term planning.

He acknowledged that collaboration between T&T and Guyana had not advanced as it should but the Government now intends to build a more structured framework for cooperation. Among the proposals was the creation of a formal platform bringing together regional energy ministers and their technical teams on a recurring basis to coordinate policy, investment planning and infrastructure development.

Moonilal argued that without systematic dialogue, there is a risk of duplication in capital-intensive projects across the region. A standing forum would allow governments to align fiscal incentives, regulatory regimes and downstream strategies, particularly as Guyana and Suriname expand their upstream output.

Pitching T&T as a strategic partner, Moonilal pointed to its mature energy ecosystem, decades of operational experience, established pipeline networks, liquefied natural gas facilities and petrochemical plants as assets that could accelerate gas monetisation for new producers.

Rather than constructing entirely new processing capacity, he indicated that Guyana and Suriname could leverage existing downstream infrastructure in T&T to move gas into higher-value products more quickly and at lower capital cost.

The minister referenced ongoing efforts to revive the Pointe-à-Pierre refinery, shuttered in 2018, noting that a restart would require reliable regional crude supplies. T&T is open to discussions with Guyana and other stakeholders on potential feedstock arrangements should the refinery return to operations.

Hydrocarbons remain central to the T&T economy, despite declining production over the past decade. The country is pursuing new exploration, including ultra deepwater acreage awarded to ExxonMobil east of Trinidad and north of Guyana’s Stabroek Block, while examining prospects tied to cross-border resources with Venezuela.

 

 

 

Moonilal meets energy giants:
Hopeful on work with Guyana, Suriname

19 February

Energy Minister Dr Roodal Moonilal said yesterday he engaged in several meetings with global energy giants ExxonMobil and Chevron at the Guyana Energy Conference.

“We have had an extremely hectic schedule in Guyana. We were able to meet the leadership of ExxonMobil, the president of the upstream company of ExxonMobil, the chairman of Chevron and the Guyana Government and authorities.”

The delegation he leads is progressing dialogue on collaboration, synthesising different approaches and sharing experiences in the oil and gas sector.

“I am extremely heartened that His Excellency Irfaan Ali has taken a personal interest in Trinidad and Tobago’s energy development. And at this time we regret that over the last few years, there appeared to be little interest on the part of T&T and that relationship was indeed cold.”

He described yesterday’s meeting with the Guyana President as “rekindling the great relationship with the Government and people of Guyana. We are hoping we can collaborate with Guyana and Suriname on several oil and gas projects and downstream activities.”

Another highlight of his trip was meeting representatives from the financial community in Saudi Arabia where matters pertaining to the former Petrotrin refinery were discussed.“We met with Oando as well discussing refinery issues and update and several other players who have had an interest in the refinery since it is a front burner issue for us at this time,” said Moonilal.

 

 

 

 

Moonilal leads team at Guyana Energy Conference 17th–20th February

2026, 02/16

Energy Minister Roodal Moonilal will continue pitching renaissance of the Petrotrin refinery at the Guyana Energy Conference and confirmed that the Oilfield Workers’ Trade Union (OWTU) remains engaged with the Government on all refinery-related matters. In Guyana, he, and a five-member delegation will participate in the 4-day event.

Before yesterday’s Maha Shivaratri observances, Moonilal addressed queries about his conference agenda, the refinery restart and OWTU involvement. “We’re extremely excited to participate in the Guyana meetings. We’ve been in touch with the authorities there, including their energy leadership and the Office of the President.

We expect to raise several matters of mutual concern, including development of T&T’s energy sector and Guyana’s energy sector, and the extent to which we can support Guyana’s downstream initiatives and other related matters concerning technical and strategic support for their new projects. T&T’s refinery will be on the agenda.

It’s a priority for Mrs Kamla Persad-Bissessar and our administration. We intend raising that matter with the authorities in Guyana and with the major oil and gas companies at this conference. We expect meetings with the highest leadership of ExxonMobil, Chevron, TotalEnergies and Guyana’s Natural Resources Ministry.”

Regarding progress on the refinery, Moonilal said the ministry is compiling documents to send to Indian Oil Corporation, which revealed strong interest in Trinidad and Tobago.

“We made a commitment to share important information and we expect that arrangement with Indian Oil will continue.”.

On reported interest by Reliance Industries, one of Asia’s largest refiners, Moonilal noted recent reports of the company’s significant involvement in Venezuelan oil.

With its intention to operate in the region and T&T’s goal of becoming the energy hub, he said, “I’m sure Reliance will have a deepening interest in being here, in investments and in using T&T as a regional hub for wider hemispheric participation in the energy landscape.”

Seeking investment in challenging areas
“We have a mandate to attract investment in T&T’s domestic resources, primarily work related to further drilling in the onshore sector involving Heritage. We’d also like to make a pitch for expanded development of deep and ultra-deep waters in our maritime space. When we meet the oil majors in Guyana, we intend raising matters of investment in T&T regarding both onshore and offshore, and we’d like to raise with some of those companies the more difficult areas where we may not have been able to attract investment.”

Moonilal said he is optimistic about T&T’s engagement in Guyana and has been in contact for several months with Guyana’s Minister of Natural Resources, Vickram Bharrat. He added that Maha Shivaratri is “an auspicious time to set foot in Guyana to build energy partnerships for the next generation.”

US Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) licences 49 and 50 open “a new gateway” for T&T’s energy development. Praising the Prime Minister’s leadership on cross-border energy initiatives, Moonilal said, “When you look at the cross-border fields, the Dragon Field and ExxonMobil, we have a sense we’re on to something extremely significant that may eventually change T&T’s economic future.”

Questioned about whether debt-ridden OWTU is in a suitable financial position to invest in the refinery, Moonilal said, “We are involved with the OWTU; they are a partner in our administration and have worked with us tirelessly for our revolutionary change in April 2025. We are in touch with the leadership and they are working with us on all matters related to the refinery and other energy-sector projects. We intend to continue working with the labour movement to ensure there is optimal participation in change and in restarting the refinery.”.

OWTU officials said the union remains committed to being part of the restart process and tangible efforts are ongoing.

 

 

 

 

T&T Gas Revival :8 New Projects Poised To Restart Output By 2028

February 20, 2026 Sunil Lalla

Minister of Energy Dr. Roodal Moonilal says T&T is on track for a long-awaited rebound in natural gas output, driven by a slate of new projects scheduled to come online between 2027 and 2028. He confirmed that cross-border gas fields shared with Venezuela received fresh momentum following recent regulatory approvals.

At the 2026 Guyana Energy Conference, Dr. Moonilal said eight upstream developments, including the Manatee and Mento fields, are expected to restore Trinidad and Tobago to optimal production levels.

“The good news is that we now have about eight projects that may come on stream in 2027/28, that will return Trinidad and Tobago to its optimal capacity. And that augurs well for our own industrial development. That will also help in the sense that the people and Government of Guyana could look at Trinidad and Tobago as a logistical and marine hub for the transmission of gas for refining crude.”

With Cocuina, Loran-Manatee, and Dragon fields now back on the table, Minister Moonilal said T&T is positioned to regain full gas supply to LNG and downstream industries between 2027 and 2028.

“As you know, a recent development in Venezuela issued General Licences 49 and 50. What is really remarkable and promising is that the two major operators in Trinidad for our cross-border gas are Shell and BP. And both have been named on those licences as getting the green light to proceed with their gas projects at Cocuina, Loran and Dragon. We have the data for each, but with those types of projects coming to market by 2027–28, Trinidad and Tobago looks like a good place.”

 

 

 

965 respond to T&T Revitalisation

  9 February

 

1. Beware earthquakes and other natural hazards.

260 earthquakes with a magnitude of 4 or above struck within 300 km (186 mi) of Trinidad and Tobago in the past 10 years- a yearly average of 26 earthquakes. On average an earthquake will hit o roughly every 14 days. In 2018. A total of 43 earthquakes (mag 4+) were detected within 300 km of Trinidad and Tobago, the strongest with 7.3 magnitude.

2. Security is vital for Gulf Ports, energy, tourism and other business.

In return for permanent world-class security, donation of uninhabited CHACACHACARE ISLET to USA for a modern NAVAL BASE and RADAR must be top priority to safeguard projects.

Some T&T citizens are in US forces and other services and some are offspring of employees who gained technical skills at the vast US Chaguaramas Base in 1940-1977. NOW IS THE CHANCE TO OFFER THIS TO USA ON 7 MARCH

The Urban Development Corporation of Trinidad and Tobago (UDeCOTT) received 965 Expressions of Interest submissions for projects listed in Government’s sweeping Revitalisation Blueprint. Its portal closed last Thursday.   Interest in investing in the decade-long development project unveiled last December, containing 129 projects under 12 development nodes was received from countries, including the USA, France and PRC.

Minister of Works and Infrastructure Jearlean John told media at the United National Congress (UNC) headquarters in Chaguanas the plans include both new construction and refurbishment works within major hubs and outskirts communities. UDeCOTT chairman, Shankar Bidaisee, also at the news conference, informed her of a very competitive process. In the letter shown, the number of submissions received per category of development in the plan are :

• • Luxury Waterfront Real Estate Development (Hotels, Housing, Waterfront Entertainment): 57
• • Financial District Development and Luxury Waterfront Real Estate Development: 43
• • Shallow Water Dredging and Reclamation, Port Design, Construction and Operations: 40
• • Retail Construction and Operation: 59• Integrated Smart Transport Solutions Design, Construct and Operate: 34
• • Real Estate High Density Housing Development: 57
• • Civic Social Infrastructure Development: 54
• • Shallow Water Dredging and Reclamation, Industrial Park Design, Construction and Operations: 39
• • Real Estate High Density Mixed Use Development: 55
• • Civic National Security Infrastructure Development: 48
• • Real Estate High Density Office Development: 48
• • Real Estate High Density Car park Development: 44
• • Civic Arts and Culture Infrastructure: 43
• • Civic Health Specialist Infrastructure: 45
• • Civic Green Space Park Development and Retail: 55
• • Energy Recovery Facilities: 36
• • Civic National Prisons Security Infrastructure Development: 44
• • Real Estate Medium Density Housing Development: 52
• • Civic Transport Infrastructure Upgrade: 43• Civic Utility Infrastructure Upgrade: 35
• • Civic Shallow Land Reclamation Design and Construction: 34

Beyond expressions from within Trinidad and Tobago, UDeCOTT stated that submissions came from the US, France, China, the Netherlands, India, the United Kingdom, Peru, South Africa and Belgium.

According to UDeCOTT, its evaluation committee will conduct further analysis on the submissions which amounted to 190,000 pages.

“This was a blowout for Trinidad and Tobago, we positioned ourselves well,” John said .

Referring to local reports that local executives were not confident in the plan, John said there was pent-up demand locally for investment. The billion-dollar projects within the plan were not of small scale and investors were tasked with explaining funding .

“Any CAL flight, American Airlines flight, is filled with Trinidad and Tobago businessmen. They are looking for investment, for opportunities. We responded to that by rolling up projects that make sense.,” she said.

Submissions for projects within the San Fernando Waterfront development, such as high density housing and urban and retail development were received. Proposals to fund social real estate, such as a centre for the socially displaced in San Fernando were received.

“I was very surprised about this because I felt the social projects, those that may be linked with national security or the socially displaced in the hospitals to an extent, were not going to be taken up, but we got 54 submissions,” John said.

$112 billion planned programme

Submissions were also received to construct Industrial Park and Free Trade Zones, including one in Sea Lots, which would change the lives of those in the area.

“When we are about to do the consultation in Sea Lots, I’ll go to talk to the people of Sea Lots and say let us bring back manufacturers inside here, free trade zones, you have a proximity to the harbour, so the cost of transportation is down, so you have a competitive advantage.”

The blueprint was the largest infrastructure programme in the history of the region and would generate $112 billion within a ten-year period. Shortlisting of proponents would be completed in February and she expected boots would be on the ground by August.

 

 

 

T&T Team heads to Caricom Summit

23 February

Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar greeted Dr Terrance Drew, Caricom chairman and Prime Minister of St Kitts and Nevis, during the sitting of Parliament at the Red House, Port of Spain, on January 30.

Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar will lead a Trinidad and Tobago delegation to the 50th Caricom Summit this week in St Kitts and Nevis, where she will engage with regional counterparts and meet senior officials from the US administration. Caricom chairman Dr Terrance Drew, Prime Minister of St Kitts and Nevis will chair the Summit from February 24–27 under the theme “Beyond Words: Action Today for a Thriving, Sustainable Caricom”.

Persad-Bissessar will be accompanied by Foreign Minister Sean Sobers, Minister Nicholas Morris, senior officials and Tobago House of Assembly Chief Secretary Farley Augustine and his team.

Trinidad and Tobago plans to have bilateral engagements with United States representatives and security agencies to strengthen cooperation on economic development, security, trade and regional challenges. The Government indicated its intention to sustain and expand constructive relations with international partners.

The delegation departs Trinidad and Tobago today and is scheduled to return on February 27. Persad-Bissessar will address the opening ceremony on February 24 at the Marriott Dome in Frigate Bay. Speakers include Prime Ministers Terrance Drew and Andrew Holness of Jamaica, newly appointed regional heads and Caricom Secretary-General Dr Carla Barnett. Heads of Government will engage in priority discussions from February 25 to 27. Senior US government officials, Saudi Arabia’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Adel al-Jubeir, and African Export-Import Bank president George Elombi will participate.

Support for Subcontinental strikes

On September 2, Persad-Bissessar praised the first US military strike against alleged narco-traffickers in international waters of the Subcontinent, saying she had no sympathy for traffickers and that US forces should violently kill them as the US Southern Command war on drug cartels would positively impact the region.

Last October, the Prime Minister described Caricom as an “unreliable” partner after clashing with the Bloc over the deadly strikes in the region, with the latest confirmed on February 13.

Persad-Bissessar repeatedly stated support for the military campaign and disputed the assertion that the region was a “zone of peace.” In November 2025, the US launched Operation SOUTHERN SPEAR. Led by Joint Task Force Southern Spear and SOUTHCOM, a mission to removes deadly narco-terrorists from the Hemisphere and secure the region.

Between September 2 and February 22, strikes destroyed 44 boats in a campaign aimed at curtailing the flow of drugs into the United States. Persad-Bissessar stated that Trinidad and Tobago maintained peaceful relations with Caracas even as she continued to support US anti-drug initiatives. T&T did not participate in US military actions in Venezuela, on January 3, 2026, when US forces seized Nicolás Maduro.

Last September, Persad-Bissessar met US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Washington, DC, to reaffirm bilateral cooperation. Last November, she held talks with visiting General Dan Caine, chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, reaffirming the “strong partnership” between the two governments on shared priorities, including countering illicit narcotics, arms and human trafficking.

Caine emphasised that close cooperation “directly contributes to safeguarding regional security.”

Persad-Bissessar said the talks were “excellent,” noting the enduring nature of the bilateral relationship, which the vast majority of T&T populace support.

 

 

 

 

Secretary Rubio Meets St Kitts and Nevis Prime Minister

Readout February 25, 2026

The below is attributable to Principal Deputy Spokesperson Tommy Pigott:

Secretary of State Marco Rubio met with Saint Kitts and Nevis Prime Minister and current Chairman of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Terrance Drew on the margins of the 50th CARICOM Summit in Basseterre, Saint Kitts and Nevis.

The Secretary thanked Prime Minister Drew for St Kitts and Nevis’ leadership and hospitality. They discussed strengthening regional security cooperation to combat transnational crime and ending illegal immigration.

The Secretary emphasized the United States’ dedication to working closely with St Kitts and Nevis as a valued partner and also discussed St Kitts and Nevis’ strong and enduring partnership with Taiwan.

 

 

 

PM: UWI Penal, Couva Hospital open to Caricom

February 26, 2026

In her address to the 50th Caricom Summit in St Kitts , Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar invited Caricom citizens to partake in two major development projects the Government plans to open, urging students to ‘take advantage‘ of educational opportunities , citing the opening of the new University of the West Indies Penal-Debe campus. Persad-Bissessar indicated that the Government hoped to open the campus over ten years after it was first conceptualised.

‘We want to open it in September in the new academic year. We welcome Caricom students to come to us for those additional spaces at The UWI.’

She also invited member states to attend the Couva Children’s Hospital, noting the Government hoped to get ‘ help’ from the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in its opening. A delegation from the UAE recently visited the island and toured development projects.

“We met them for a full opening of a state-of-the- art Couva Children’s Hospital , open to all citizens of Caricom, please come. Education is a passport out of poverty, take advantage of that extra campus and the spaces and beds at Couva Children’s Hospital.”

Commissioned by Persad-Bissessar’s former People’s Partnership administration in 2015, the hospital was intended to be a modern 250-bed paediatric, maternal and adult care facility, with advanced surgical and imaging capabilities. A change in administration that year resulted in limited use, including its brief occupation as a parallel healthcare facility during the Covid-19 pandemic. It was rededicated by the Prime Minister when she was re-elected last year.

Minister of Health Dr Lackram Bodoe said yesterday that the hospital is currently in the early phase of its service activation, with a focus on ‘establishing core outpatient and support services that provide the foundation for expanded clinical operations’.

He said the hospital commenced operations in November 2024, and currently hosts eight outpatient clinics, including

1. 1. 1. child development,
      2. paediatric rheumatology,
      3. paediatric endocrinology,
      4. paediatric neurology,
      5. neonatal services,
      6. paediatric cardiology,
      7. paediatric nephrology and
      8. pharmacy services.

These clinics support specialist-led care for child patients. In addition, the facility has completed over 400 same day surgical procedures to date.

‘The Government’s long-term vision, under the leadership of the Prime Minister, is for the Couva Children’s Hospital to progressively broaden its service offerings. As capacity develops, there is potential for the facility to support regional and international patient access, which is consistent with national health system priorities,’ said Bodoe.

Forensics, AI at Penal/Debe

The approximately $600 million UWI campus, funded both by taxpayers and university funding, was similarly conceptualised by Persad-Bissessar’s former government since 2010 but has never been open to students. The multimillion-dollar project sat largely dormant for over a decade. Its opening was a promise on which Persad-Bissessar had campaigned leading up to the 2025 general election. The annual budget for 2025/2026 allocated $70 million to refurbish the campus.

In the draft estimates document for development programme expenditure in this fiscal year, the campus refurbishment was listed as ‘New Project 005’ under allocations for the Ministry of Tertiary Education and Skills Training. During his budget presentation last year.

Finance Minister Davendranath Tancoo named the closed campus at least three times as a neglected facility left to rot by the former administration, later announcing its operationalisation for law, forensics, IT, and artificial intelligence (AI) training. Tancoo also mentioned the campus when referring to protective services, saying the Government planned to reform firearms laws, promote rehabilitation over incarceration for non-violent offenders, expand CCTV (Closed-circuit television) coverage, strengthen port security and establish a forensic science complex and national security training centre.

Last July, Minister of Tertiary Education and Skills Training, Professor Prakash Persad, confirmed that rehabilitation work would begin at the campus, including a scope of work to identify what needed to be done and later construction. He said that the project is a collaborative effort between the Government and the University, with discussions ongoing to determine which faculties will ultimately be housed there.

‘We did speak to the Vice Chancellor of The UWI and the Principal also. So, it’s being done in collaboration with the Government. The Government is actually funding the construction of the campus. So, it still belongs to The UWI, but the major funder of The UWI is the Government. So, we have this partnership with The UWI, which continues. There are discussions for a variety of things. We have to look at the needs, the Cabinet has to look at the needs of the country, what is required, including law, because it was initially meant to be that, but the needs change over time and that is going to happen.”

 

 

 

Smart diplomacy

Steve Seetahal .  February 24, 2026

The national conversation surrounding Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar’s foreign policy posture, particularly her support for strategic cooperation with US President Donald Trump’s anti-crime and anti-drug initiatives in the region, has been marked by scepticism in some quarters. Yet, a sober and balanced assessment reveals that what many critics hastily dismiss is, in fact, a calculated and forward-thinking diplomatic strategy that positions for long-term security and economic stability.

For decades, our nation has struggled with the devastating consequences of:

1. 1. 1. transnational crime networks,
      2. narcotics trafficking,
      3. illegal arms flows,
      4. and their direct link to rising violent crime.

These challenges are not confined by borders. They require regional cooperation and strategic alliances with global powers that possess the resources, intelligence capabilities and operational experience to effectively combat such threats.

Mrs Persad-Bissessar’s approach reflects an understanding of these realities. Her engagement with US security initiatives recognises that

1. 1. 1. enhanced intelligence sharing,
      2. maritime surveillance support and
      3. coordinated law enforcement strategies

strengthen our national capacity to confront organised criminal enterprises.

This is not subservience, as some critics claim, but strategic partnership grounded in national interest. History demonstrates that collaboration with the USA has yielded tangible benefits for Caribbean nations.

Joint security programmes contributed to improved border monitoring, disruption of drug-trafficking routes and increased training opportunities for local law enforcement agencies. These partnerships also provided technological support that small island states would otherwise struggle to finance independently.

The Prime Minister’s willingness to deepen such cooperation reflects prudent governance rather than political expediency.

Critics also overlooked the economic dimensions of this foreign policy direction. Strong diplomatic ties with major global powers often translate into enhanced investor confidence, expanded trade opportunities and preferential access to development financing. In an increasingly competitive global environment, maintaining robust relations with key international partners is essential for economic resilience. The benefits may not be immediately visible but they accumulate steadily through improved international credibility and expanded opportunities for national development.

Furthermore, Mrs Persad-Bissessar’s position demonstrates a sophisticated appreciation of geopolitical realities. The region continues to face pressure from illegal trafficking networks that exploit our geographic location between major drug-producing and consuming regions. By aligning with broader international efforts to curb these activities, Trinidad and Tobago strengthens its reputation as a responsible regional actor committed to stability and rule of law.

What many observers fail to recognise is that effective diplomacy often resembles a game of chess rather than checkers. Decisions must be evaluated not only for their immediate impact but for their long-term strategic positioning. The Prime Minister’s actions suggest careful calculation—balancing sovereignty with cooperation, national security with economic opportunity and regional responsibility with global engagement. Indeed, early indicators already suggest positive outcomes.

Increased security dialogue with international partners has enhanced intelligence coordination and opened pathways for expanded technical assistance. Our nation stands to benefit from improved maritime security infrastructure, greater law enforcement capacity and stronger deterrence against organised criminal operations.

These developments promise not only safer communities but also a more stable environment for business and investment.The scepticism expressed by some members of the public is understandable, particularly given our historical sensitivity to external influence. However, short-sighted analysis risks overlooking the broader strategic vision guiding these policies. Leadership requires the courage to make decisions that may initially appear controversial but ultimately serve the national good.

Mrs Persad-Bissessar’s foreign policy stance reflects pragmatic realism, not political theatrics. By strengthening international partnerships to confront shared challenges, she is positioning Trinidad and Tobago to secure lasting benefits in national security, economic growth and regional leadership.

Rather than hastily condemning this approach, we would do well to recognise the foresight embedded in these decisions. In time, the wisdom of this diplomatic strategy may prove evident as the nation reaps the rewards of strengthened alliances, improved security, and expanded global opportunities.

 

 

 

Caricom Jubilee summit

2026,  02/08    Dr. Nand C. Bardouille

On January 30, with a team that included Caribbean Community (Caricom) Secretary General Carla Barnett, Prime Minister of St. Kitts and Nevis Terrance Drew paid an official visit to Trinidad and Tobago. Drew met the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, Kamla Persad-Bissessar, in his capacity as the current chair of Caricom.

An official statement, issued by Drew’s Office ahead of this visit, indicated (in part): “During the visit, Dr. Drew is expected to meet the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, Hon. Kamla Persad-Bissessar, with members of her Cabinet and senior officials, to discuss matters of regional importance.”

While a specific set of outcomes of this meeting is not yet clear, signs of progress emerged after these two leaders’  high-profile engagement. Persad-Bissessar called her discussions with Drew “productive,” expressing her government’s support for Caricom. Her softened — though restrained — stance on Caricom contrasts with previous criticism of the Bloc. Drew viewed the meeting as “very constructive.” This is in a context where that particular engagement is regarded as perhaps the most consequential one in respect of “the chair’s focus on face-to-face discussions with regional leaders.”

This ongoing engagement has its origins in Drew’s clarion call for “managing our dialogue with care, mutual respect and a resolute sense of regional responsibility.”

He made this appeal at a critical juncture in international politics. The ubiquity of America’s foreign policy cudgel has fundamentally altered the politics of regionalism in Caricom, which has also fallen into the clutches of the current US administration’s “Donroe Doctrine.”

Each of the Bloc’s 14 sovereign member states has considerable bilateral interests with the United States. Traditionally, cognizant of those respective interests’ wider implications for Caricom, these countries’ governments worked closely with each other on US-related foreign policy matters.

The meeting between Drew and Persad-Bissessar aimed to address some of the latest developments regarding regional issues, amid strained relations between T&T and most other Caricom member states. T&T’s support of US military deployments that ultimately led to the ouster of Nicolás Maduro and ushered in a post-Maduro “transition” in Venezuela has been at the centre of a foreign policy-related split among Caricom member states, undermining regional unity and a historically cooperative foreign policy approach.

Port-of-Spain has taken a harder line against those Caricom member states that — with an eye to ‘Operation Southern Spear’ and ‘Operation Absolute Resolve’ — express reservations about the use of this form of power and the narrative qua pretext to leverage it.  This state of affairs is a serious concern for Caricom, especially as common ground has been elusive thus far.

Caricom insiders have tied the way forward to Drew’s bilateral outreach to his colleague Heads of Government with due regard to an all-important Caricom summit this month. The 50th Regular Meeting of the Conference of Caricom Heads of Government, scheduled for February 24 to 27 in St. Kitts and Nevis, takes place under Drew’s chairmanship, against the backdrop of the Bloc having arrived at an inflection point.

Caricom member states’ long-held unified stance against hard power in international relations is reshaping before our very eyes. Importantly, Caricom faces a split on whether to seek accommodation with US foreign policy for security. What now obtains are competing visions of how to grapple with the stark reality of international relations that, increasingly, is driven by predation.

One camp within the regional grouping links the majority of member states, whose foreign policy outlook is still defined by shared opposition to the notion of a hierarchical international order of dominant and subordinate states.

The other camp downplays the wider effects qua implications of international politics’ hard power dimension, which hinges on a United Nations Charter-suppressing might-is-right foreign policy ethos.

In such a foreign policy power play, a given country wilfully sidesteps international norms and laws. In this situation, having rationalised hierarchical relationships, it pursues its desired foreign policy outcomes by bringing military force and/or economic might to bear on compelling compliance from other (state) actors in the international system.

Having regard to T&T’s sharp shift in its foreign policy towards support for US interventionism, it fits squarely into this second camp. This development marks one of the most consequential reversals in the conduct of T&T’s post-independence international relations, undercutting Caricom’s recourse to multilateral power. (This kind of power leans into the processes of international cooperation and multilateralism that stand as a bulwark against hard power, amplifying the voice of small states on the international stage.)

In combination, these foreign policy-related developments end up backstopping the exercise of hard power in international relations.   And yet hard power is challenging Caricom member states, testing their sovereignty and internal coherence. I have read this to mean that external pressure is impactful mainly when regional actors disagree on responses, revealing vulnerabilities in unity.

Any attempt to normalise an approach to international relations that is skewed to hard power undermines small states’ long-term interests, considering their reliance on the rules-based international order — rather than force — for their survival. Moreover, it signals a willingness to constrain and diminish Caricom’s multilateralism-related room for manoeuvre.

Now Caricom needs to demonstrate it can muster a collective response to a geopolitical trend line that threatens its member states’ post-independence gains on the international stage. On the occasion of its upcoming summit, then, the regional grouping would do well to issue a call to action on foreign policy that might allow it to deal with the hard power turn in international politics as best it can.

 

 

IMF

Antigua and Barbuda:

Staff Concluding Statement of the 2026 Article IV Mission  Link Here

February 3, 2026

A Concluding Statement describes the preliminary findings of IMF staff at the end of an official staff visit (or ‘mission’), in most cases to a member country. Missions are undertaken as part of regular (usually annual) consultations under Article IV of the IMF’s Articles of Agreement, in the context of a request to use IMF resources (borrow from the IMF), as part of discussions of staff monitored programs, or as part of other staff monitoring of economic developments.

The authorities have consented to the publication of this statement. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. Based on the preliminary findings of this mission, staff will prepare a report that, subject to management approval, will be presented to the IMF Executive Board for discussion and decision.

 

Washington, DC: An International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff team, led by Mr. David Moore, visited St. John’s on January 19­–30 to hold discussions for the 2026 Article IV consultation with the Antigua and Barbuda authorities. Mr. Moore issued the following statement.

Recent Developments

Antigua and Barbuda’s economic expansion continued in 2025, supported by a pickup in construction, alongside easing inflationary pressures. The most recent data indicate real GDP growth of 2½ percent in 2024, reflecting a mix of strong tourist arrivals and slower construction activity.

For 2025, staff estimates growth at 3 percent, reflecting instead a mix of rebounding construction activity but flat tourist arrivals. Inflation, which had averaged 6.2 percent in 2024, moderated to an estimated 1.2 percent in 2025, in part reflecting substantial one-off declines in transportation prices.

The public debt burden has eased substantially in recent years, but significant arrears and financing needs are ongoing challenges. The debt-to-GDP ratio, which peaked around 100 percent during the pandemic shock in 2020, has since fallen to an estimated 68 percent in 2025—narrowing the gap with the Eastern Caribbean Currency Union (ECCU) benchmark of 60 percent by 2035.

Nevertheless, substantial arrears to Paris Club and domestic creditors, and high gross financing needs, have persisted. The authorities are continuing the process of validating the extent of their arrears to domestic suppliers and are pursuing a liability management operation with a view to refinancing domestic debt, reducing arrears, and financing resilience-building projects.

The fiscal position strengthened in 2024–25, reflecting both improved tax collections and one-off effects. In 2024, the fiscal primary balance improved to 4 percent of GDP, up 3½ percentage points from 2023, reflecting a combination of increases in several indirect taxes and one-off asset forfeiture receipts.

In 2025, the estimated primary balance reached nearly 5 percent of GDP, underpinned by higher tax revenues, stronger inflows under the Citizenship by Investment Program (CIP), restraint in current spending, and a modest (albeit less than budgeted) increase in capital spending. Tax revenues reached just over 18 percent of GDP in 2025, an increase of nearly 1½ percentage points from 2024, albeit largely reflecting one-off collections of tax arrears (around 1 percent of GDP).

The current account deficit widened in 2025. After narrowing sharply in 2024 to around 7½ percent of GDP, the current account deficit in 2025 is estimated to have reverted to around 11½ percent of GDP, due mainly to increased construction-related imports and flattening tourist arrivals. Foreign direct investment inflows continued to finance the current account deficit, supplemented by higher CIP-related capital transfers. The external position in 2025 is assessed as moderately weaker than implied by medium-term fundamentals and desirable policies.

The overall financial system remains stable and liquid. Credit growth has moderated: bank lending to the private sector decelerated from 12½ percent in the year to end-2024 to just below 5 percent in the year to November 2025, while credit union lending growth moderated from 6 percent (over a year earlier) in 2024Q4 to 5¼ percent in 2025Q3. Banks’ nonperforming loan (NPL) ratios have remained below the 5 percent prudential threshold since end-2024, though credit union NPLs remain somewhat higher. The ECCU regional credit bureau has been launched in Antigua and Barbuda for banks and two credit unions, with plans to expand coverage to other credit unions.

Outlook

Staff’s baseline is for Antigua and Barbuda’s economic expansion to continue at a stable pace. Staff projects real GDP growth in 2026 of 2.8 percent, converging in the medium term to the estimated potential growth rate of 2½ percent. This projection assumes a pickup in visitor arrivals, supported by Antigua and Barbuda’s hosting of events including the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in November 2026, and expanded room capacity and port facilities.

Staff projects inflation to stabilize at around 2 percent by end-2026, converging to levels in ECCU peers and the United States. The current account deficit is expected to narrow modestly from 11½ percent of GDP in 2025 to 10¾ percent in 2026 and to continue gradually improving over the medium term. Staff’s baseline envisages a further gradual decline in the public debt-to-GDP ratio, consistent with meeting the regional debt target (60 percent of GDP before 2035), but with arrears and high financing needs yet to be fully addressed.

Risks to the outlook are tilted to the downside amid global headwinds, but upside risks are significant as well. External risks include prolonged global uncertainty, deepening geopolitical fragmentation, and commodity price volatility, which could potentially dampen financial inflows and growth prospects. CIP-related inflows are subject to downside risks following recent U.S. travel policy announcements.

Additional downside risks stem from vulnerabilities related to extreme weather events and capacity constraints in the construction sector. There are also significant upside risks, including stronger tourism demand; greater payoffs from investments in improved air connectivity, development of new cruise facilities, and hosting of special events; and accelerated progress in implementing productivity-enhancing structural reforms.
Public Debt and Fiscal Policy

A comprehensive strategy for addressing persistent arrears and elevated financing needs remains key to restoring debt sustainability. Establishing a clear and credible pathway to tackle these challenges would help create fiscal space and improve access to external financing. Elements should include:

• (i) completing the validation of potential domestic arrears;
• (ii) developing a comprehensive arrears clearance strategy covering all creditors, including Paris Club and domestic creditors;
• (iii) continuing to build fiscal buffers, consistent with the authorities’ medium-term fiscal framework, to alleviate pressures from still-high financing needs; and
• (iv) strengthening cash management and expenditure controls, to reduce risks of accumulating new arrears.

The 2026 Budget envisages improved revenue performance and higher investment, underpinned by robust economic growth. The 2026 Budget Statement projects strong gains from the Antigua and Barbuda Sales Tax (ABST), property tax, and import duties, based on projected real GDP growth of 5 per The Budget also envisages further collection of tax arrears, additional efforts to strengthen tax compliance, and continued CIP inflows.

On the spending side, the Budget projects capital spending to increase to around 3½ percent of GDP, up some 2 percentage points from the estimated 2025 outturn. Using staff’s baseline macroeconomic assumptions, implementation of the 2026 Budget is estimated to imply a primary surplus of 1.6 percent of GDP, within the target range under the fiscal resilience guidelines (1½–2 percent of GDP).

However, this estimate does not take into account foregone revenue from the just-announced temporary reduction in the ABST rate from 17 to 7 percent, as the timing and duration of this measure have not yet been announced.

Stronger fiscal buffers would place debt on a firmer downward trajectory, ease financing needs, and help the authorities reach their medium-term fiscal targets.

Revenue mobilization remains a pressing need. Despite recent progress, staff assesses that the underlying fiscal position, excluding temporary factors, has yet to fully align with the authorities’ own objectives—a tax revenue-to-GDP ratio of 20 percent and a primary surplus of 1½–2 percent of GDP.

Tax collections remain well below those of regional peers. In this context, the announced temporary reduction in the ABST rate will reduce revenue collection; promptly restoring the ABST rate is needed for progress towards the authorities’ revenue objective. Staff encourages continued efforts to broaden the tax base, address inefficiencies in ABST collections, accelerate implementation of HS 2022 customs and property tax reforms, and further reduce tax exemptions.

Tax administration reforms should continue. Key priorities include rolling out a new IT system; introducing an e-filing and e-payment system and a single-window system at customs to enhance compliance and efficiency; and establishing a large taxpayer unit. Timely completion of IT upgrades will be critical to further enhancing revenue collection and operational efficiency.

Preserving room for capital spending should be accompanied by restraint in current spending. With overall spending already low as a share of GDP, staff sees merit in growth-enhancing capital spending consistent with implementation capacity and fiscal sustainability. At the same time, current spending should be contained to preserve fiscal space, reduce financing needs, and enable rebuilding of fiscal buffers.

The need to reform the social assistance framework remains pressing. Streamlining fragmented social programs—currently administered across five ministries—and establishing a centralized beneficiary database will be essential to improve targeting, reduce administrative duplication, and strengthen service delivery. Addressing the barriers to these reforms, including stepping up cooperation between relevant stakeholders, is warranted.

The forthcoming actuarial review of the social security fund (SSF) will assess the long-term financial health of the social security system. Pending the findings of the review, a range of options for responding to future shortfalls should be kept under consideration to ensure long-term solvency of the SSF, mitigate risks, and retain flexibility for the SSF to adapt to evolving demographic and economic conditions.

Stronger fiscal institutions and oversight would enhance accountability, transparency, and policy credibility, while helping to contain fiscal risks. The recent operationalization of the Fiscal Resilience Oversight Committee (FROC) and the new state-owned enterprises (SOEs) oversight function within the Ministry of Finance (MoF) are welcome steps. In addition, the authorities tabled the first FROC report in Parliament in December 2025. However, the MoF’s SOE oversight function remains understaffed, and capacity at the Supreme Audit Institution (SAI) also appears strained. To improve fiscal transparency, staff encourages the regular publication of FROC reports, timely reporting of audited fiscal accounts, and ensuring adequate resourcing of the SOE oversight function and the SAI. Staff also encourages regular disclosure of key SOE financial data once additional capacity is in place.

Financial Sector Policies

Strengthening financial sector oversight and resilience depends on both regional and national efforts. At the regional level, the ECCB is strengthening prudential regulation and supervision, taking steps towards establishing a deposit insurance scheme, and planning to harmonize regulation for insurers and private pension funds. At the national level, a planned shift towards more risk-based supervision of credit unions deserves support. Efforts by the national regulator to strengthen provisioning and capital of credit unions should continue.

Efforts under way to strengthen financial intermediation, while maintaining financial stability, can help foster inclusive growth. Businesses continue to identify limited access to finance as a key challenge, while banks point to a scarcity of bankable projects and hold a large share of assets abroad. In this context, the recent launch of the regional credit bureau for banks in Antigua and Barbuda—and the extension under way to include credit unions—is a welcome step towards reducing informational asymmetries between lenders and borrowers and broadening access to credit. Additionally, addressing government arrears to domestic suppliers could help improve firms’ financial positions and creditworthiness. Raising the awareness of the regional partial credit guarantee scheme could help increase the uptake of the scheme and unlock lending to underserved sectors. Staff also welcomes ongoing initiatives to improve financial literacy.

Ensuring strong AML/CFT and CIP frameworks remains key to safeguarding financial integrity. The National Risk Assessment—launched in 2025 and expected to be completed in the coming months—is identifying key risks and will form the basis for a national action plan. Efforts are underway to further strengthen the AML/CFT framework in line with the 2025 updates to the FATF standards, in preparation for the next regional mutual assessment. To enhance governance of CIPs across the region, an agreement establishing an independent regulator for the industry has been enacted into law in Antigua and Barbuda and other ECCU countries with CIPs. Once operational, the new regulator is expected to enhance transparency and governance of the CIPs by setting and enforcing uniform regulatory standards and publishing annual reports on compliance.

Structural Policies

Improving connectivity and competitiveness is crucial for Caribbean trade performance, economic resilience, and sustainable growth. Staff analysis identifies shipping and air connectivity as binding constraints on regional trade and tourism. To ease these constraints, building on recent and ongoing port and airport projects, priorities could include modernizing port and digital infrastructure and reducing red tape in customs procedures. Aligning customs regulations among regional partners could further boost competitiveness. Where there is a case for new infrastructure projects, careful cost-benefit analyses to account for fiscal and debt implications remain crucial. Over time, enhanced connectivity and competitiveness could enhance Antigua and Barbuda’s potential growth and resilience to external shocks.

Further reforms to raise business-sector productivity should address constraints in trade regulations and financial access. Staff analysis suggests that the largest gains would come from addressing constraints in customs and trade regulations and access to finance. Implementing a single electronic window for trade facilitation would streamline processing, enhance transparency, and reduce administrative costs. These efforts should be complemented by continued initiatives to promote financial inclusion.

Addressing persistent skills shortages calls for increased take-up of skills training aligned with employers’ needs. Skills shortages remain obstacles to firm productivity and economic growth. Analysis of the 2018 labor force survey finds a positive relationship between skills training and earnings. Stakeholders should continue to encourage both firms and workers to invest in skills training and foster increased awareness of domestic career prospects. Improving data—through the development of a skills-in-demand survey and more regular labor force surveys—would support better monitoring of skills gaps and inform evidence-based policies.

Data Provision

Despite recent improvements in data collection, strengthening statistical capacity remains crucial to support evidence-based policymaking. Data gaps include the absence of GDP by expenditure, outdated CPI weights, and labor force data. The previously postponed Population and Housing Census is now being conducted. The ongoing transition to the National Bureau of Statistics is welcome and, if the Bureau is adequately resourced, is expected to strengthen statistical capacity and data integrity over the medium term.
The IMF staff team thanks the authorities and other counterparts for the productive collaboration and the candid and constructive policy dialogue.

 

 

The Bahamas

IMF Executive Board Concludes 2025 Article IV Consultation with The Bahamas Link Here

February 5, 2026

The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) concluded the 2025 Article IV consultation with The Bahamas on February 4, 2026.

The Bahamian economy has experienced a solid recovery in recent years, boosted by tourism, and steps have been taken to strengthen public finances.

Real GDP growth is expected to be around 2.8 percent in 2025, supported by construction and cruise tourism.

Risks to the economic outlook are broadly balanced, and looking ahead, it remains essential to further reduce fiscal vulnerabilities and foster sustained growth.

 

Washington, DC: The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) completed the Article IV Consultation with The Bahamas[1] and considered and endorsed the staff appraisal without a meeting, on a lapse-of-time basis. The authorities have consented to the publication of the Staff Report prepared for this consultation.[2]

The Bahamian economy has strengthened in recent years, with real GDP expanding by 3.4 percent in 2024. Growth remained resilient in the first half of 2025, supported by construction and cruise tourism, and the unemployment rate stood at 9.3 percent in the second quarter of 2025. Inflation has decelerated (1.3 percent in July 2025), partly reflecting lower global energy prices.

The fiscal position continued to improve in the last fiscal year. Driven by tax revenues and expenditure containment, the primary balance remained in surplus and the fiscal deficit narrowed to 0.5 percent of GDP in FY2024/25. Central government debt has declined but is still elevated, at around 74 percent of GDP.

Growth is expected to be around 2.8 percent in 2025, and then it would gradually slow toward 1½ percent (the assessed potential growth rate of the economy). Headline inflation is projected to settle at around 2 percent, and the current account deficit would narrow to about 6 percent of GDP over the medium term. Risks to the outlook are balanced, with downside risks including a potential global slowdown with adverse impact on tourism, and natural disasters. Upside risks notably include greater-than-expected effects of public and private infrastructure projects linked to tourism and the energy sector reform.

Executive Board Assessment[3]

In concluding the 2025 Article IV consultation with The Bahamas, Executive Directors endorsed staff’s appraisal, as follows:

“The economy has strengthened in recent years. Robust post-pandemic tourism has been a key driver of economic growth and fiscal revenues. Actions have been taken to improve public finances and to enhance disaster risk management. Continued fiscal consolidation, the ongoing electricity sector reform, increased capacity for tourism, and investment in climate resilience will be critical to further reduce fiscal vulnerabilities and foster sustained growth.

“Growth is expected to moderate gradually. Growth in 2025 has been supported by construction and cruise tourism, but the economic expansion is expected to slow somewhat in 2026, converging toward the estimated potential rate of 1½ percent over the medium term. Risks are broadly balanced, with downside risks including a potential global slowdown and natural disasters, and upside risks entailing greater-than-expected effects of public and private infrastructure projects linked to tourism and the electricity reform. Inflation remains low.

“Additional policy measures are necessary to achieve the authorities’ medium-term target for central government debt. A primary surplus was reached again in FY2024/25, and the FY2025/26 budget targets an overall surplus. While declining, public debt remains elevated. Going forward, new revenue-enhancing and expenditure-optimizing measures should be prioritized to achieve the authorities’ 50 percent of GDP target for central government debt. These measures can include introducing corporate and personal income taxes, rationalizing tax expenditures, raising the standard VAT rate, and reducing transfers to SOEs. These efforts can give space to invest more in priority areas, such as education and resilient infrastructure.

“More work is needed to strengthen fiscal institutions and reduce fiscal risks. An immediate priority should be to improve fiscal reporting and enhance the institutional framework for PPPs. It is also critical to accurately assess and mitigate fiscal risks arising from SOEs. The planned reform to civil service pensions should be supplemented with more holistic changes to address actuarial imbalances. Advancing plans to adopt an accrual-based accounting system for the budget would improve fiscal transparency. Efforts to reduce debt rollover risks should continue.

“Financial sector policies should continue to aim at preserving financial stability. Systemic financial stability risks remain moderate. As bank credit to the private sector increases, safeguarding banks’ resilience is crucial, including by monitoring potential risks stemming from banks’ exposure to the sovereign. The oversight of nonbanks should be strengthened, and closing data gaps is a priority. Operationalizing real estate price indices is still needed. Planned legal reforms can help improve resolution frameworks and safety nets. Reducing the ceiling on central bank advances to the government would support the exchange rate peg, and it is essential to maintain efforts to implement the 2024 DARE Act. Actions to enhance risk-based AML/CFT supervision and promote financial inclusion should continue.

“Fostering economic resilience and investing in human and physical capital should ease supply-side constraints to growth. Policies to raise productivity, together with fiscal consolidation, can help narrow external imbalances, given that the external position is moderately weaker than the level implied by medium-term fundamentals and desirable policies. Ongoing infrastructure projects in hotels and airports can alleviate capacity constraints in tourism. To reduce vulnerable employment and lessen informality, it is important to cut red tape for businesses, strengthen education, and continue expanding training and upskilling opportunities. Trade diversification could strengthen economic resilience and reduce import costs (with more benefits for consumers if coupled with greater product market competition). The energy sector reform is advancing and may significantly improve the cost and reliability of electricity. There is scope to continue enhancing disaster risk management and investing in climate resilience. To address housing affordability challenges, investing in social housing and refining rental market regulations could help ease supply constraints.”

 

 

 

Belize:

Technical Assistance Report-Implementation of Prudential Oversight for Securities Firms  Link Here

February 27, 2026

Summary
Following a request to the Caribbean Regional Technical Assistance Centre (CARTAC), a mission was held from July 7 to 10, 2025, in Belmopan and Belize City to assist the Belize Financial Services Commission (FSC) with prudential regulation and supervision of securities firms.

The mission provided training on the prudential framework, potential supervisory approaches, and international standards concerning leveraged derivative contracts offered to retail investors. Supervisory materials were also developed.

The mission found the prudential framework conceptually sound but identified opportunities for technical refinements. Key recommendations include developing a risk appetite for the securities sector, establishing conduct requirements for firms offering over-the-counter (OTC) derivative products to retail investors, enhancing compliance assessments, and strengthening staff training on technical matters. Subject to risk appetite and risk assessments, the report explores options for effective framework implementation.

Subject:
Asset and liability management, Financial institutions, Financial regulation and supervision, Financial services, Liquidity, Securities

Keywords:
Belize, Contracts for Difference, Financial Regulation, Financial Supervision., Leveraged OTC Derivatives, Liquidity, Prudential, Securities, Securities

Publication Details

1. 1. 1. Pages: 23 Volume: 2026
      2. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5089/9798229039277.019
      3. Issue: 015 Series:
      4. Technical Assistance Report No. 2026/015
      5. Stock No: TAREA2026015
      6. ISBN: 9798229039277
      7. ISSN: 3005-4575

 

 

 

Education as Economic Policy: Remedying the Mismatch

Feb 01, 2026

By Sir Ronald Sanders Ambassador of Antigua and Barbuda to the USA and OAS, and Dean of the OAS Ambassadors accredited to the OAS. www.sirronaldsanders.com

When the door to migration narrows, the long-standing mismatch between education and economic absorption is no longer abstract; a country’s true immigration policy becomes domestic — how many jobs it can create, and how quickly it can match people to them.

On January 14, 2026, the United States Department of State announced a policy shift with direct economic consequences: effective January 21, it paused the issuance of immigrant visas for nationals of 75 countries deemed to be at “high risk of public benefits usage.” Eleven of the fourteen independent CARICOM countries are included in that list, which may yet expand.

This was not framed as a temporary administrative adjustment. It signals a doctrinal shift: the United States will tighten selection toward migrants it actively seeks and will screen harder for those it fears may impose fiscal or social costs.For decades, outward migration absorbed part of the Caribbean’s internal economic pressure — unemployment, underemployment, low wages, limited domestic markets, and frustrated professionals.

As that outlet narrows, the pressure will intensify at home.This does not mean migration has ended, but it does mean that the long-standing assumption that migration will always remain available as a safety valve is no longer reliable.

That illusion has been eroding globally for years.As migration tightens, more people — including skilled graduates — will have to stay in their home countries. That reality turns attention to an issue Caribbean states have too often postponed: whether their education output aligns with their development needs.

Even in the three CARICOM countries not yet affected, education should now be regarded as an integral part of economic policy.   The response required now is structural.

Governments, the private sector, and trade unions in each CARICOM country should waste no time in confronting a shared responsibility: to create and sustain conditions in which enterprise expands fast enough to absorb both skilled and unskilled labour.This requires political coordination at the highest level.

Each country should adopt a national development strategy that states clearly where it intends to be in ten years and use it as a governing instrument. That strategy should be reviewed every two years to adjust priorities and methods as conditions change, and it should explicitly guide budget allocations, public investment, skills formation, and regulatory reform.

Without such a framework, education systems will continue to produce graduates without clear economic pathways, and governments will continue to respond to unemployment after the fact rather than prevent it by design.  This is not central planning; it is coordination — the difference between drifting and choosing a direction.A credible national strategy provides a road map for institutions — especially universities and training institutes — to align their work with national priorities.

It clarifies how many engineers, technicians, nurses, teachers, digital specialists, construction supervisors, energy professionals, agro-processing workers, and specialist lawyers and doctors the economy will require. It allows teaching institutions to shape curricula accordingly — encouraging study and research in priority areas while placing less emphasis on fields that play a smaller role in the agreed national development plan.

This is not an argument against broad education or intellectual freedom. It is an argument for a system that takes full account of the need for graduates to earn a living in their home economies.The Caribbean’s challenge lies in remedying mismatch. Employers across the region report difficulty finding workers with appropriate skills, even as graduates struggle to find employment. Weak linkages among firms, universities, and training institutions compound the problem, leaving education and enterprise operating in parallel rather than in partnership.Addressing this requires deliberate collaboration.

Governments should convene sector-specific councils — in tourism, construction, logistics, health, agriculture, renewable energy, creative industries, and digital services — where employers, unions, and training institutions jointly define competencies, certification standards, and pathways from training to work. Trade unions have a vital role here, not only in defending wages and conditions, but in engaging seriously with productivity, skills upgrading, and enterprise sustainability.

Technical and vocational education and training (TVET) must also be modernised. In too many societies, TVET is treated as a second choice rather than a respected route to skilled employment. That misjudgement carries a high price. Modern TVET systems — linked to employers and responsive to technological change — are essential to labour absorption at scale.

Education must also prepare people not only to seek jobs, but to create them. This does not mean everyone should become an entrepreneur. It means every economy needs a growing share of citizens who can build enterprises — particularly when traditional wage employment cannot absorb all who seek it. Training in finance, management, technology, and the disciplined use of digital tools, including artificial intelligence, can allow small firms to reach markets beyond national borders.

In a digital economy, small states can export services and ideas without exporting people.  None of this will succeed if the wider economic environment remains hostile to enterprise. High energy costs, slow approvals, overlapping regulation, expensive logistics, and entrenched inefficiencies continue to inflate the cost of doing business in many Caribbean states. The economic cost of delay is consistently underestimated.   If unemployment remains high while migration outlets narrow, the consequences will not be patience. There will be rising poverty, higher crime, strained public finances, weakened investor confidence, and social fragmentation.

Responsibility for labour absorption must be operational. Governments must lower the cost of doing business decisively and remove regulatory bottlenecks that deter investment. The private sector, in turn, must commit capital, innovation, and managerial effort to domestic production rather than rely on protection, rent-seeking, or incentives alone.

Trade unions have a central role in this compact: defending workers’ rights while engaging constructively on productivity, skills upgrading, and enterprise sustainability.

Educational institutions must also be full partners — aligning curricula, research priorities, and certification with national development objectives and labour-market demand.

Education must also prepare people not only to seek jobs, but to create them. This does not mean everyone should become an entrepreneur. It means every economy needs a growing share of citizens who can build enterprises — particularly when traditional wage employment cannot absorb all who seek it.

Training in finance, management, technology, and the disciplined use of digital tools, including artificial intelligence, can allow small firms to reach markets beyond national borders. In a digital economy, small states can export services and ideas without exporting people.None of this will succeed if the wider economic environment remains hostile to enterprise.

High energy costs, slow approvals, overlapping regulation, expensive logistics, and entrenched inefficiencies continue to inflate the cost of doing business in many Caribbean states. The economic cost of delay is consistently underestimated.If unemployment remains high while migration outlets narrow, the consequences will not be patience.

There will be rising poverty, higher crime, strained public finances, weakened investor confidence, and social fragmentation.Responsibility for labour absorption must be operational. Governments must lower the cost of doing business decisively and remove regulatory bottlenecks that deter investment.

The private sector, in turn, must commit capital, innovation, and managerial effort to domestic production rather than rely on protection, rent-seeking, or incentives alone. Trade unions have a central role in this compact: defending workers’ rights while engaging constructively on productivity, skills upgrading, and enterprise sustainability.

Educational institutions must also be full partners — aligning curricula, research priorities, and certification with national development objectives and labour-market demand. Economic reform cannot be treated as a partisan contest or deferred without cost. When any actor withholds cooperation, society as a whole suffers.There is only one viable response: build opportunities for investment and jobs at home — deliberately, collectively, and with shared purpose.

 

 

 

 

Big firms must play fair

February10, 2026

Dr Taimoon Stewart Consultant in competition law and an adjunct lecturer at the Faculty of Law, Cave Hill Campus, The University of the West Indies

Chief executive officer of the Agostini Group Barry Davis addressed shareholders at the 82nd Annual General Meeting:  I note with interest your report February 8, on the comments made by the CEO of the Agostini Group. He touted the achievements of this Group through hard work, resilience and creativity.

He recalled the ways in which Agostini built a family business over the last 100 years to its current position as a regional conglomerate. He showed ways in which the businesses innovated to meet the challenges of the market and tailored its services to meet public needs, draw in customers and increase market share.And he pointed out that it is normal to have a few big players in the market and many smaller ones catering to specific localities and communities.

All of this is very true and legal. Yet, this dominant position comes with a price: that dominant firms have a special responsibility to behave fairly towards rivals and consumers.

This concept originates in case law in the European Court of Justice (ECJ) that dominant firms “have a special responsibility not to allow their conduct to impair genuine undistorted competition on the common market”.

The concept of “special responsibility” of dominant firms emerged in the EU because, prior to the 1960s, many sectors were controlled by state-owned enterprises which received subsidies from government.  And, with liberalisation of the economies, these dominant state-owned enterprises were privatised.

The concern was that these dominant firms had an unfair advantage over smaller firms because their growth was because of government subsidisation. The “special responsibility” of these privatised firms is premised on the fact that they gained their dominance in circumstances of privilege, and not in an open free market.

Why does this concept apply to the conglomerates in our economy in T&T?

Because these firms grew and achieved dominance through having a privileged position in a social, legal, and economic system that served the needs of the British colonial mercantile class and the French Creole class (the colonial elites) but discriminated against the rest of the population.

Agostini was one such privileged firm. Agostini was established in 1925, as a commission import agent.By 1950 it had transitioned to a distribution company, adding major pharmaceutical, food, and hardware products.

It entered the downstream construction market, constructing low-cost housing and town houses. Acquisitions that built Agostini’s power and portfolio include Hilti W I Yearwood Ltd (hardware supplies), and companies established during the colonial period (founding dates indicated in brackets):   Hand Arnold (1920), Gordon Grant (1872), Rosco Sales Ltd (1950) & Petroavance (1963), both oil supplies companies, and pharmaceutical acquisitions: Smith Robertson Ltd, (1894), SuperPharm was acquired in 2004, and more recently, Oscar Francois.

The company then expanded laterally to Barbados forming a joint venture with Goddard Enterprises Ltd, which was established in 1921, also in a society that privileged the whites and discriminated against the blacks.   I thought it important to remind the business sector and consumers that the structure of the market in Trinidad and Tobago was not shaped by free market competition, but by its colonial past.

While these dominant firms, now conglomerates, established their “monopoly” was sufficient to initiate an investigation, and not understanding the procedures of a competition commission.

Indeed, the PPRBA did not need to undertake a market study of the sector to determine dominance.That is the function of the Fair Trade Commission (FTC), and the methodology used is specific to competition law enforcement. All that was needed was a complaint in the proper procedure on alleged anticompetitive conduct with supporting information.

Given the misconceptions that have been evident in public pronouncements recently, it would be wise for the legal fraternity that services the business sector (in-house counsel and outside counsel specifically) to undertake professional training in competition law so that they can represent their firms from a position of knowledge.

(The UWI Faculty of Law, Cave Hill Campus offers a postgraduate programme—Post Graduate Diploma and LLM—in competition law and the private sector, both business and law firms, should consider having key personnel undertake further professional training in this field of law.) Which brings me to the word “monopoly”.

Only the US antitrust law (same as competition law) uses “monopoly” to mean “dominance”. In their regime, having 70% of market share means having a monopoly in the relevant market.     We use British English in T&T. Monopoly means one firm in our usage.

The foreign consultant who was hired to draft the Fair-Trading Act (FTA) copied a mixture of EU and US law and imported the word “monopoly” from US antitrust law.When the FTA is revised, the word “monopoly” should be removed, and replaced with “dominance” to provide clarity to the business sector and consumers and to harmonise with other laws in Caricom.

 

 

Guyana and American currencies and the Chinese Yuan

January 11, 2026 Vishnu Bisram

Businessmen claim there is a shortage of foreign currency (US dollars or greenback). The Central Bank and the Vice President say no; they kept injecting greenback (nice, new, crisp ones) into the banking system. As explained by a source at the Central Bank, the real issue is not a shortage of currency but more of ‘manipulation’ by banks and foreign businesses (mostly from China and to a lesser extent Trinidad) operating in Guyana.

The Central Bank (CB) releases large amounts of American dollars to banks at a going rate and mandates that banks make available a certain amount ($1500 to ordinary customers wishing to travel) at $216, a few dollars above the CB’s selling rate to banks. (Determining exchange rates is a complex and complicated mechanism that the public may not understand unless you study economics or engage in foreign currency market). Suffice it to say that government has made it simple by selling US$ at a ‘fixed’ rate; T&T gov’t has done same by selling US$ to banks at a fixed rate of about 6.7).

Banks and cambios prefer to sell the greenback at a more lucrative rate to earn higher profits; the foreigners and some businesses and individuals with huge amounts of Guyana dollars earned from questionable transactions offer higher rates to banks and cambios to purchase greenbacks.

Banks also have preferred customers (friends, relatives). Local businesses complain that the Chinese and Trini businesses and those in money laundering use up the bulk of the US dollars. That has largely led to unavailability of American dollars to local (small) business and ordinary Guyanese engaged in honest business practices.

Access to foreign currency is uneven; small businesses and travelers have to wait while larger (or more favored) businesses usurp almost all of it. Most Guyanese are not aware that they are entitled to purchase at least US$1500 from a bank at a fixed rate (set by the CB at $216) but must give the bank ample time to obtain it if not immediately available. If denied, they should file a complaint with the CB which has enough US dollars to meet demand way beyond the $1500. Banks could charge more for US$ beyond $1500.

The Guyana $ has been sliding in value versus the greenback. I recall as a child that the Guyana dollar was trading around $1.65 against the US dollar around 1968. Around 1977, it was G$2 to one US$ but greenback was impossible to obtain; people exchanged the US$ on the black market at higher rates. If caught with foreign currency, it led to confiscation and imprisonment.

To avoid confiscation of foreign currency and jail, Guyanese in USA, UK, Canada, etc. would give their money to businesspersons overseas and their relatives would collect G$ at home – informal remittances that evaded official count. Since 1977, Guyana $ has steadily fallen in value and is around $215 now.

It will take a lengthy essay to explain the fall of the Guyana $; one can read the works of brilliant economists Drs. Ramesh Gampat, Tarron Khemraj and others on foreign exchange. No need-to-know mechanics of it unless you are a government official. Currently, cambios and unofficial traders and some banks are trading US$ at about $220. Individuals in shady deals offer higher rates.

Initially, (British) Guyana had a floating exchange rate meaning it was determined by supply and demand. Then it became fixed after independence, and the government would periodically change the value of the G$ based on foreign pressure and local demand. Since around 1990, the G$ became (semi) floating – determined by supply and demand.

Over the last decade, the CB intervenes in the value of the dollar (exchange) rate to maintain stability so that there is no wild loss in the value of the G$ that hurt small business and consumers. Government intervenes by buying and selling currency to adjust its value. Factors affecting supply and demand are regulated by government’s monetary and fiscal policy; Jagdeo is a master at both.

As I learned from my doctoral studies in economics some four decades ago, it was learnt that a currency’s value is primarily set by supply and demand in foreign exchange markets. And this itself is influenced by inflation, GDP, interest rates, trade balances, overall economic well-being, and political stability. Inflation negatively affects the value of our dollar. Higher interest rates appreciate the value of the dollar. Growing GDP also boosts value of currency. Low unemployment signals strength of our economy. And we have been running trade with surplus that should also strengthen our currency.

The economy is doing very well. But G$ has been depreciating. Demand for greenback outpaces supply – foreigners and crooked individuals have been gobbling up the greenback.

The greater the demand of US$ (for trade and other reasons), a higher rate of $G will be offered. If there is too much foreign currency in the market, lower G$ is needed to purchase it. Guyana has not been flush with foreign exchange since independence in 1966.

There has been great demand for foreign currency (US$), resulting in a slide in value of G$.The American dollar is the most valued currency in the world. It has been so since WW II. It is the strongest (not the highest value) and most desired currency in the history of the world. It is the currency used in global trade. It will dominate trade in foreseeable future. There are those who disagree. President Trump made it clear that any country that seeks to undermine the dollar or replace it in global trade will have a dead economy.

Let’s be honest – do businesses seek to convert G$ into yuan. Some also stated that the Russian ruble would also become dominant; they need to learn international economics and geo-politics. No one hoards or seeks yuan or ruble; they seek US and Canadian $, British pound and Euro as those are in demand for trade and travel.The Central Bank should strictly enforce banking rules and regulations and fine entities that violate them as happens in developed economies.

On 7 March Trinidad & Tobago has an opportunity to replace TTD with USD.

 

 

 

 

Guyana launches CARICOM‑backed bid to host 2030 COP

March 2, 2026

Guyana, under the leadership of President Dr Mohamed Irfaan Ali, is officially stepping up to lead the global climate conversation by bidding to host the 35th United Nations Climate Change Summit (COP35) in 2030 in Georgetown.

This ambitious task has received formal backing from the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) following the conclusion of the 50th CARICOM Summit in Basseterre, St Kitts and Nevis, from 24 – 27 February.

President Dr Mohamed Irfaan Ali delivered remarks at COP30 in Brazil, in 2025
“Heads of Government agreed to support Guyana’s bid to host COP35 in 2030,” a communique released by the regional block on Sunday announced.

If successful, the Summit would bring thousands of global delegates to Guyanese shores, highlighting the country’s unique position as both a burgeoning oil and gas hub and an ardent defender of the environment. With 86 per cent of its land covered by pristine forests, Guyana maintains one of the lowest deforestation rates worldwide. The nation’s leadership in environmental conservation is anchored in the landmark Low Carbon Development Strategy (LCDS), first launched in 2009 and later expanded to the LCDS 2030 in 2022, following a seven-month national consultation.

Under this strategy, Guyana is charting a path of sustainable development while developing its oil and gas industry. Already, the nation has successfully monetised its forest carbon through voluntary and compliance markets, earning US$750 million from the sale of just 30 per cent of its forest carbon.

Additionally, the country has sold two million of its carbon credits under the Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (CORSIA), underscoring the economic value of sustainable stewardship.Only recently, the government announced that the Architecture for REDD+ Transactions (ART) has issued another 9 million high-integrity REDD+ Environmental Excellence Standard (TREES) carbon credits for the year 2023.

Guyana is also leading the conversation on biodiversity. In July of 2024, President Ali convened the Global Biodiversity Alliance Summit in Georgetown, where the GBA was formally launched.

Under President Ali’s leadership, the Global Biodiversity Alliance Summit was convened in Georgetown, underscoring Guyana’s role as an ardent defender of the environment
The meeting unveiled a comprehensive roadmap focused on five strategic pillars: achieving the global 30×30 target: protecting 30% of land and sea by 2030, mainstreaming biodiversity into national and corporate development planning, unlocking innovative finance, including biodiversity credits, green bonds and debt-for nature swaps, empowering Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities through recognition, governance and finance and building robust systems for monitoring, accountability and data sovereignty, including creation of the Gross Biodiversity Power Index.

 

 

 

Research to practice

Dr Riann Singh sheds light on contemporary workplace issues

Naresh Jagnanan 4 February

Dr Riann Singh, a senior lecturer in the Department of Management Studies at The University of the West Indies (UWI), is a distinguished scholar with over a decade of experience in research and academia. She currently serves as the deputy dean for Graduate Studies and Research in the Faculty of Social Sciences.

At The UWI Principal Awards Ceremony 2024, Dr Singh earned an award for her research on ‘reluctant stayers’, employees who remain in jobs they are not happy with. This adds to her body of work which has also gained international recognition within the broader fields of organisational behaviour and human resource management and the associated contemporary workplace issues.

Her achievements serve as a source of inspiration for students, young professionals and anyone striving for excellence. “Many factors have fuelled my ambition and passion. Notably, humility, persistence, faith and resilience are family values upon which my life and career are built” .

Singh is breaking new ground in workplace studies through her research in organisational sciences. Her work explores critical topics, including the implications, dynamics and psychology of how employees become tied to or embedded in their workplaces; why some individuals remain in jobs in which they are unhappy; and the precursors and effects of mistreatment and abuse at work. Her studies offer a clearer picture of how employees interact with their work environments, particularly within the Caribbean context.

Her work on organisational embeddedness—the factors that tie employees to their workplaces—is globally referenced and appears at the top of Google searches. She has written the only Caribbean-focused textbook on organisational development, Leading Organisational Development and Change: Principles and Contextual Perspectives, which is a core resource for undergraduate students at The UWI.

Contemporary Perspectives in Human Resource Management and Organisational Behaviour, which is another book authored by Dr Singh, is a required text for postgraduate students in Management Studies at the university. She also has an additional book in the pipeline Destructive Behaviours and Organisation Research, which bridges the gap between organisational practices and research on the realities of destructive behaviours in the workplace and how organisations can address the costly and toxic consequences.

This upcoming book elevates research in confronting some of the harsh realities of what employees face in today’s contemporary workplace.   Her research digs into the big questions: Why do employees leave or stay in their jobs? How do personal and workplace factors influence these choices? How can organisations create healthier, more supportive environments free from employee mistreatment?

Through her dedication, Singh continues to shape the field of management studies, helping organisations create stronger, more adaptable workplaces. Her work benefits not just scholars but also leaders aiming to build resilient employees, teams and organisations.

“Understanding why people stay or leave their jobs and the implications for organisations, productivity, and by extension, society is fascinating,” she shared. “It’s not just about numbers—it’s about emotions, relationships, and experiences.” Singh explained while reflecting on her research.

Singh is more than a researcher—she’s also a passionate lecturer and mentor at The UWI. Having progressed through the ranks at The UWI, from student to senior lecturer, she brings a unique perspective to her teaching, enabling her to connect deeply with students. As one of the younger senior lecturers and deputy deans, her ability to relate to her students and her engaging approach, inspire both respect and admiration among those she mentors.

In the classroom, Singh’s engaging teaching style brings subjects like organisational change, management and human resource management to life. She guides master’s and doctoral students from across the Caribbean, helping them tackle complex research, think critically and make meaningful contributions to society. Her dedication to teaching and mentorship has had a lasting impact on her students, many of whom have gone on to successful careers in academia, industry and public service.

“Mentorship is about helping students see their own potential and giving them the confidence to shape their future.”

Her research and publications have earned her widespread recognition in the academic world and beyond. Her work has been featured in prestigious international journals, including the International Journal of Human Resource Management, International Journal of Organisational Analysis and the International Journal of Emerging Markets, among several others. She published her books with reputable global publishers.

Since 2019, she has worked on the highly reputed Global Leadership and Organisational Behaviour Effectiveness (GLOBE) 2020 project, which is a unique large-scale global study of cultural practices, leadership ideals and generalised and interpersonal trust in 150 countries in collaboration with nearly 500 researchers. In Trinidad and Tobago, she served on the National Leadership Training Programme, 2024.

Beyond this, and most recently, Singh explored the idea of dysfunctional retention in the contemporary workplace over the last three years within the banking, retail, and energy sectors of Trinidad and Tobago. Her publications on this topic assert that businesses must recognise that their ability to keep talented employees alone do not paint a complete picture of workplace productivity. Her work suggests that high retention rates that mask widespread reluctance can be more problematic, costly, and toxic than high turnover or employees leaving en masse.

Additionally, one of her other recent publications examined the relationship between abusive supervision, job satisfaction and turnover intentions, while investigating the impact of employee depression on such relationships within the local labour force. In this study, Singh and her colleagues found that employees were less satisfied with their jobs and developed intentions to quit when faced with abusive bosses, and further, when such employees experience depression, their attitudes were less positive. This creates a cycle of negative work attitudes and workplace mistreatment.

Singh’s work is not solely academic; it is making a real difference in understanding workplace realities and informing how organisations develop policies to address mistreatment and enhance employee well-being and performance. Her contributions continue to shape the way we understand and manage the complexities of modern workplaces.

As a leading expert in organisational sciences, Singh continues to shape the field through her mentorship and innovative research. She works closely with postgraduate students, exploring other pressing issues like workplace bullying and the role of leadership in managing organisational change. In a time of global shifts, her research offers important insights into the psychological and organisational challenges facing today’s labour market. Her focus on the unique needs of the region adds depth and relevance to her work, making her a valuable resource for both academia and industry.

“It’s about preparing the next generation to lead with empathy and innovation,” Singh shared, reflecting on her role in shaping the future of work.

For enquiries or further details on her research, Dr Riann Singh can be reached at riann.singh@uwi.edu.

Naresh Jagnanan is a second year Economics student in the Faculty of Social Sciences at The UWI St Augustine .